Theory is often used to support a qualitative investigation into a human phenomenon. The Program of Research for your School lists theories commonly associated with your specialization. Consider your research topic. What theory from your specialization supports an investigation and/or your research topic?
The assignment should be formatted as follows:
Journal of Occupational and Organizational Psychology (2018), 91, 235–260
© 2018 The British Psychological Society
www.wileyonlinelibrary.com
A qualitative investigation of the origins of excessive work behaviour
Melrona Kirrane1* , Marianne Breen2 and Cli�odhna O’Connor3 1Dublin City University Business School, Ireland 2Trinity College Dublin, Ireland 3University College Dublin, Ireland
Studies of workers who engage in excessive work behaviour continue to attract the
attention of researchers. Most research in this field adheres to quantitative methodolo-
gies aligned to the addiction or trait paradigms and largely focuses on correlates and
consequences of such behaviour. However, within this literature, empirically based
understandings of the factors that propel individuals to engage in excessive work patterns
are sparse. Resting on socio-cultural theories of work, we adopt a novel approach to this
field of enquiry and examine the genesis of excessive working using a qualitative
methodology. We use discourse analysis to comparatively explore data from a sample of
twenty-eight workers comprising excessive and non-excessive workers. Our study
identified the roles of family of origin, educational experience, and professional norms as
clear drivers of excessivework patterns. Data to support the dominant addiction and trait
paradigms within this research domain were equivocal. Lifestyle decision-making
differentiated the comparison group from the excessive workers. We discuss our
findingswith reference to theories of workaholism and consider their implications for the
evolution of this field.
Practitioner points
� Organizational culture can strongly influence the emergence of excessive work patterns among employees. Human resource professionals and organizational leaders are in a position to intervene in
the development and support of work cultures that are conducive to effective work patterns
� Employee selection and assessment procedures should be sufficiently in-depth to gather relevant information into the personal backgrounds of applicants
� Employee development initiatives should take account of learned work orientations to ensure the effectiveness of interventions.
The globalized post-industrial society is characterized by a 24-hour economy (Granter,
McCann, & Boyle, 2015) and has led to the normalization of intensive work (Worrall,
Mather & Cooper, 2016). As research suggests figures of 10 per cent and more of the working population engage in these lifestyles (Andreassen et al., 2014; Sussman, Lisha, &
Griffiths, 2011), understanding the genesis of these types of work practices is now an
important endeavour. Intensive working is commonly captured by the term ‘worka-
holism’which initially arose to describe themindset of individualsmost deeply involved in
*Correspondence should be addressed to Melrona Kirrane, Dublin City University Business School, Collins Avenue, Dublin 9, Ireland (email: melrona.kirrane@dcu.ie).
DOI:10.1111/joop.12203
235http://orcid.org/0000-0002-4831-9411http://orcid.org/0000-0002-4831-9411http://orcid.org/0000-0002-4831-9411
work-focused lifestyles (Oates, 1971). Over the years, the terminology used to describe
such practices has broadened to include work addiction (Robinson, 1998) excessive
overwork (Andreassen, 2013), obsessive passion for work (Vallerand, Paquet, Philippe, &
Charest, 2010), heavy work investment (Golden, 2014; Snir & Harpaz, 2012), work craving (Wojdylo, Baumann, & Karlsson, 2016), and work over-involvement (Lehr, Koch,
& Hillert, 2010)1
Most studies of workaholism to date are quantitative investigations of correlates and
consequences of workaholism. One of the strongest outcomes of suchwork has been the
positioningof the rootof suchworkingpatterns squarelywithin the individualworker (van
Wijhe, Schaufeli & Peeters, 2010). However, work patterns are acknowledged to emerge
from an interactive process that occurs between the individual and their environment
(Osipow, 1990). While theorists have signalled the important role of socio-cultural processes in understanding intensive work patterns (Mazzetti, Schaufeli, & Guglielmi,
2014; Porter, 1996; Snir & Harpaz, 2006, 2012), field studies within this domain remain
disappointingly limited (Sussman, 2012). In this study, we build on socio-cultural theory
(SCT) which highlights dynamic and situation-specific elements of the individual that
together lead to vocational outcomes (Bandura, 1999). Taking a qualitative approach, we
explore theautobiographical accountsof thegenesisofexcessiveworkingpatternsamong
a sample of excessive workers. We compare their accounts with those of a comparison
group of non-excessive workers drawn from the same context. In this way, we provide a solid foundation for understanding the intense career pathways of such workers.
Theoretical background to workaholism research
Research in the field of workaholism has been dominated by the addiction model and the
trait theory approach (Sussman, 2012). The addiction model considers the phenomenon
to be an irresistible inner drive to work excessively hard (Andreassen & Pallesen, 2016),
and it is described as a progressive, compulsive, potentially fatal disease (Porter, 1996; Robinson, 1998). Despite the absence of evidence that excessive working shares
psychophysiological characteristics of established definitions of addiction (McMillan, O’
Marsh, & Brady, 2001; Porter, 1996) and its exclusion from the DSM-5 (American
Psychiatric Association, 2013), many researchers continue to draw on the addiction
model of workaholism as a conceptual framework for their work (Andreassen, Griffiths,
Hetland, & Pallesen, 2012; Griffiths, 2011). Such studies typicallymeasurework addiction
quantitatively, and although some recent promising additions have been made
(Andreassen et al., 2012; Schaufeli, Shimazu, & Taris, 2009), the most widely used measure, the Work Addiction Risk Test (Robinson, Post, & J. Khakee, 1992), is not
regarded as rigorous, rendering research based on it vulnerable to criticisms (Andreassen
et al., 2012; Bowler, Patel, Bowler, & Methe, 2012; Flowers & Robinson, 2002; Sussman,
2012).
A further theoretical paradigm deployed widely in this field is the trait theory
approach. This perspective construes excessive working, associated with traits such as
neuroticism, conscientiousness, narcissism, and perfectionism (Andreassen et al., 2012;
Clark, Lelchook, & Taylor, 2010) as a manifestation of a ‘stable individual difference characteristic’ (Burke, 2004, p. 421) comprising the psychological dimensions of high
1 For the sake of parsimony and consistency with previous literature, the term ‘workaholism’ will be used in this article, but should not be taken to necessarily imply agreement with the addiction model of these work patterns.
236 Melrona Kirrane et al.
work involvement, high drive, and low work enjoyment (Spence & Robbins, 1992).
Although this model has been criticized for its lack of conceptual rigour (Harpaz & Snir,
2003; Robinson, 2001; Scott, Moore, & Miceli, 1997), considerable research continues to
rely on it as a platform for investigation (Burke, Matthiesen, & Pallesen, 2006; Clark et al., 2010). Unfortunately, resultant isolated correlations have not led to the development of a
coherent theoretical framework (Harpaz& Snir, 2003; Kanai,Wakabayashi, & Fling, 1996;
McMillan, Brady, O’Driscoll, & Marsh, 2002; Mudrack & Naughton, 2001).
While these two theoretical perspectives have driven research streams which have
provided information on the correlates and consequences of intensive work practices
(Baruch, 2011; Giannini & Scabia, 2014; Ng, Sorensen, & Feldman, 2007; Robinson, 2013;
Sussman, 2012), each shows distinct weaknesses and leaves the question of the aetiology
of workaholism empirically unanswered (Quinones & Griffiths, 2015; Spurk, Hirschi, & Kauffeld, 2016). Moreover, these approaches are characterized by positioning worka-
holism entirely within the individual. Holding some promise of greater refinement of the
genesis of excessive work patterns are studies that explore the contribution of other
factors to this behaviour. These include unsatisfied needs (Burke, 2004; van Beek, Taris, &
Schaufeli, 2011), cognitions (Graves, Ruderman, Ohlott & Weber, 2012), social learning
(Burke, 2001), family dynamics (Chamberlin & Zhang, 2009; Robinson, 2013), and
organizational culture and climate (Keller, Spurk, Baumeler, &Hirschi, 2016; Johnstone&
Johnston, 2005; Mazzetti et al., 2014). In general, such elements have been treated as peripheral within the dominant research paradigms, and the causal influence of some
have, at times, been explicitly denied (e.g., Robinson, 1998). Although the importance of
these issues has been highlighted (McMillan, O Driscoll, & Burke, 2003), they remain
underexplored in empirical work and their role in the phenomenon of excessive work
patterns remains tentative (Andreassen, 2014; McMillan et al., 2003; van Wijhe et al.,
2010).
Socio-cultural factors and the construal of workaholism
Applying a socio-cultural perspective to understanding the origin of workaholism
represents a rich starting point in research on excessive working patterns. The socio-
cultural approach to understanding behaviour which recognizes the role of norms,
customs, and values of the general population has demonstrated that work norms,
attitudes, and practices are influenced bymultiple layers of socio-cultural factors (Kanai &
Wakabayashi, 2004; Lantolf, 2000). At the broadest level is national culture which has a
singular effect on howpeople construe themselves atwork (Brewer&Chen, 2007; Gahan & Abeysekera, 2009; Triandis, 1990). This effect is perhaps best illustrated by the
phenomenon known as ‘karoshi’, a term coined by Sugisawa andUehata (1998) to refer to
the particular Japanese phenomenon of death or permanent disability caused by
cardiovascular problems, mediated by excessive work and stress. In Japan, work is
regarded as an element of living in that one is supposed to live in accordance with the
order of society (Ishiyama & Kitayama, 1994; Kanai &Wakabayashi, 2004). Psycho-social
factors such as a social value system that exhorts perseverance and the concept of
‘ganbaru’, which means to suffer in silence and to endure difficulties, are regarded as perpetuating the syndrome (Meek, 1999, 2004). Considering these features of Japanese
cultural life fosters a deeper understanding and appreciation of the phenomenon of
karoshi and underscores the impact of socio-cultural factors in approaches to work.
A second element of the socio-cultural landscape that has a significant impact onwork
behaviours is the familial context (Lawson, Crouter, & McHale, 2015; Piotrowski &
The origins of excessive work behaviour 237
Vodanovich, 2006; Robinson, 2000). The family of origin influences work behaviours as
values, norms, and expectations for achievement are transferred and internalized via
parent–child relations (Schaie & Willis, 1996). This process is well explained by the expectancy-value theory of achievement (Wigfield & Eccles, 2000). The family an individual creates themselves as a socio-cultural feature also significantly influences
workplace behaviour (Janoski&Wilson, 1995). Involvement inmultiple roles causes ‘spill
over’ which effects behaviour and actions of individuals in both contexts (Arnett, 2014;
Livingston, 2014; Wayne, Casper, Matthews, & Allen, 2013).
Educational systems are an integral feature of the socio-cultural landscape and their
influence on workplace behaviours (Billett, 1998; Konkola, Tuomi-Gr€ohn, Lambert, & Ludvigsen, 2007), are emphasized in Bronfenbrenner’s (1979) ecologicalmodel of human
development. By introducing pupils to notions of achievement and authority, coping and time management skills, this social system provides the intellectual and social skills that
children will use to perform roles within the adult world (Haycock, Hart, & Irvin, 1991;
Tomlinson, 2013). In essence, school educates students on how to become fully
functioning and productive members of society and fosters the development of
appropriate work attitudes and habits deemed important for the continued development
of the social world (Goodlad, 1984; Kourilsky & Walstad, 1998).
Finally, organizational norms of behaviour are a well-established feature of the socio-
cultural environment (Rousseau, 2005; Schein, 1985; Schneider, Ehrhart, &Macey, 2013). Research has established the potent effects of such norms on workplace behaviour
(Hogan &Coote, 2014; Lee & Yu, 2004), and organizations go to great lengths in fostering
the development of performance-enhancing workplace cultures (O’Reilly, Caldwell,
Chatman, & Doerr, 2014). Taking all these factors together, this literature aptly
demonstrates that to fully understand the origin of excessive work patterns, there is
value to be gained from immersing the study of such behaviour within its socio-cultural
context.
Researching workaholism
According to the epistemology of social constructionism, human knowledge does not
result from individuals’ direct perception of ‘brute reality’, but rather is co-constructed in
social interaction and always mediated by language, interpretations, and values (Berger &
Luckmann, 1996; Potter, 1996). As such, equally important as what does cause the
behaviour patterns termed ‘workaholism’ is what people believe causes it, because the
latter will guide how people manage their own career-related behaviour. To date, this remains unchartered territory in the empirical literature.
To research workaholism as a discursive construction rather than the predetermined,
yet controversial ‘thing’ pursued in other studies, there is valued to be had in exploring the
insights alternative methodologies may provide. Qualitative methods are ideally suited to
tap the naturalistic, everyday language through which this form of behaviour is
constructed in social interaction. Thus, we pose the following question in an attempt
to address this vacuum:Howdo people account for the origin of their working patterns?
Method
We position our study within the philosophical orientation of social constructionism
(Neimeyer, 1993), emphasizing the subjective experiences of actors’ ‘lifeworlds’
238 Melrona Kirrane et al.
(Husserl, 1969; Schutz, 1972). Paying close attention to the language used, we apply
discourse analysis techniques to our data (Antaki, 1994; Billig, 1997; Harvey, Turnquist, &
Agostinelli, 1988), looking beyond the surface of the sentence to identify the pragmatic
social functions that the utterance achieves (Silverman, 2001).We present the data in raw form to accommodate an expansive interpretation of the participants’ perspectives
(Johnson & Waterfield, 2004; Wimpenny & Gass, 2000).
Sampling
Two sampling techniques were used in this study. In the first instance, we deployed a
theory-based sampling process, targeting a sample on the basis of their potential
manifestation of our theoretical construct. For this purpose, we concentrated on members of Workaholics Anonymous (WA), which is a social network specifically
targeted at self-selected workaholics.
The global WA headquarters (based in the United States) agreed to email details about
the study to itsmembers, and a notice requesting participants for the projectwas placed in
the WA monthly newsletter. To achieve generalizability (Mason, 2010), we also used a
purposive sampling strategy which involves using prior research and informed ‘hunches’
to identify the segments of the population likely to hold a unique perspective on the
research topic and directly recruiting from these groups (Bauer & Aarts, 2000). Certain occupational fields, such as financial services, are known for their demanding workloads
(European Foundation for the Improvement of Living andWorkingConditions, [EFILWC],
2015). To recruit participants for our study, 110 companies were contacted from the
database of an International Financial Services Centre. Human resource specialists of 72
companies (65%) agreed to disseminate to their employees an invitation from the
researchers to participate in a study on work patterns. Due to this recruitment strategy, it
was impossible to calculate the response rate, as the number of people who received our
invitation was unknown. However, our aimwas not to attain a statistically representative dataset but to provide an in-depth account of the range of ideas present and examinewhat
underlies and justifies them (Gaskell, 2000; Patton, 2002).